The Economist notes that the triumvirate of investigators from the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, or NABU, prosecutors from the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office, or SAPO, and judges from the High Anti-Corruption Court, or HACC, has emerged in recent years as a powerful independent force.
Supporters of the anti-corruption bodies believe they have become a counterweight to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s centralized leadership, given the weakness of parliament, the government and the opposition.
Critics of NABU and SAPO complain that the anti-corruption bodies have “become a law unto themselves,” deciding when and how to destabilize the government.
“In essence, it is a parallel government,” an unnamed senior official told the publication. The Economist notes that even people close to NABU say the agency is becoming increasingly politicized. They said there was no procedural reason to release recordings in the Forrest Gump case on the same day as the vote on Ukraine’s defense minister.
“The law gave them access to the most intimate moments of politics and people’s lives. The danger is that this is turning into a political weapon,” a former detective told the publication.
The Economist predicts that the political confrontation is likely to intensify in the coming weeks.
“When October comes, it will get colder, and everything will go wrong at once. Some key people here are idiots, and many people understand that,” a senior official said.
According to the official, the president remains confident but “has begun to realize” that the situation is deteriorating.
The publication also notes that Ukraine will enter its fifth winter of the war significantly more vulnerable than in previous years, with few air defense missiles available. At the same time, Russia is intensifying attacks aimed at destroying Ukrainian infrastructure and civilian businesses.
The Economist cited an unpublished opinion poll conducted shortly before the anti-corruption investigations and a video address by former Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov.
In a hypothetical presidential election, Fedorov would finish third with 16%. Zelenskyy would rank first, with 21% of respondents naming him as their first choice, while former commander-in-chief Valerii Zaluzhnyi would receive 18%. Budanov would finish fourth with 8%.
The publication notes that the figures are purely hypothetical for now: Holding elections under martial law would be illegal, and Ukrainians do not want an election. But that could change if the political turmoil continues.
Operation Forrest Gump
On Aug. 19, NABU announced a special operation dubbed Forrest Gump. According to the agency, investigators uncovered a group that laundered 150 million hryvnias in cash to post bail for one of the suspects in the Midas case. Although NABU did not name the person, it was likely Herman Halushchenko, for whom bail in that exact amount was posted in late June.
Investigators allege that the scheme involved a deputy head of the Presidential Office, a former lawmaker, and the chairman of the management board and chairman of the supervisory board of a state-owned bank. The group allegedly used the state-owned bank and accounts belonging to companies under its control to carry out the scheme. Searches were conducted that day at the headquarters of Sense Bank, which confirmed that investigative actions had taken place.
The same day, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy dismissed Iryna Mudra as deputy head of the Presidential Office. Media reports also identified lawmaker Vadym Stolar, who confirmed that his home had been searched, and former lawmaker Maksym Mykytas as figures in the operation.
Mudra confirmed that searches had been conducted, that she had been served with a notice of suspicion and that she had submitted her resignation.
On Aug. 20, anti-corruption authorities released another batch of recordings. The recordings concern an alleged corporate raiding scheme in a case dubbed Themis. Investigators say members of the organization illegally seized more than 248 million hryvnias in corporate assets and attempted to gain control of real estate in Kyiv worth more than 207 million hryvnias.